John Roemer

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'Egalitarian Perspectives' is a collection of John Roemer's articles from theyears 1981 and 1992. We learn in the introduction that Roemer made a pilgrimage to G.A.Cohen in 1981, like Luke Skywalker to the Jeddi Master, where he learned 'the rangeof questions addressed by modern political philosophy.' The visit emboldened theyoung acolyte to launch an assault against classical Marxism's 'wrong-headed'surplus value approach to exploitation. Roemer knew what Marx 'really meant,'and this was captured by his own property-relations theory.

Roemer states that the purpose of the book is to answer the question of 'whategalitarians seek to equalize.' Those who are trailblazers on this question areRichard Arneson, G.A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin, Amartya Sen and John Rawls. If some of youare scratching your heads trying to recall where you last heard these names, trust me thatit was not at a trade union conference or a rally for political prisoners. The topic of'egalitarianism' within this circle of professional philosophers is an entirelyabstract matter. They chat about it in the same dry and intellectual way that aestheticphilosophers discuss 'beauty'.

Also worth noting: Roemer characterized the quality of each of his measurements in his journal, based on the atmospheric seeing and other factors. IIRC, an article on this topic appeared in the American Journal of Physics where all they did was apply Roemer's own methodology but selected only those measurements that Roemer himself classified as. Roemer measured the speed of light by timing eclipses of Jupiter's moon Io. In this figure, S is the Sun, E1 is the Earth when closest to Jupiter (J1) and E2 is the Earth about six months later, on the opposite side of the Sun from Jupiter (J2). When you buy a Charlton Home® Roemer 5 Piece Dining Set online from Wayfair, we make it as easy as possible for you to find out when your product will be delivered.Read customer reviews and common Questions and Answers for Charlton Home® Part #: BF088768 on this page. Potter Roemer/ Fire Pro® deck monitors were specifically designed to meet all requirements of municipal and petrochemical applications. Monitors are equipped with a vinyl-dipped steering wheel control handle with polished stainless steel connector bracket.

This collection of thinkers treat question of 'egalitarianism' as a subjectwithin the rarefied world of Anglophone political philosophy. It arises out of a debatebetween disciples of the utilitarian John Stuart Mill on one side and John Rawls on theother, who proposes a 'primary goods' theory of justice. A just society according toRawls is one in which society maximizes the 'primary goods' of the worst offmembers. Roemer enters the fray by trying to adapt Marxist solutions to the problem of'distributive justice.' In essence he is trying to blend liberal and socialistthemes. From liberalism he appropriates the concern with welfare, from Marxism he hopes tofind a theory that will reveal the underlying economic forces that explain inequality.Somewhere along the line Roemer drops the connection with Marxism, as tenuous as it is.

There is precious little in Roemer's book that has any relation to the sorts of topicsthat preoccupy Marxists. Mostly it can be found in the section 'Socially necessaryexploitation and historical materialism.' Roemer's definition of exploitation in thissection is as follows: 'were a coalition able to preserve the same incentivestructure, and, by withdrawing with its per capita share of produced assets therebyimprove the lot of its members, then it is capitalistically exploited in the currentallocation.'

Yeah, I know. This is virtually impossible to understand at first glance. I have beenknocking my head against Roemer's shitty prose for a couple of weeks now, so I think I canprovide a translation. He is saying that if a group of workers dropped out of capitalistsociety and improved their situation, then the situation they dropped out of wasexploitative. Now you may ask yourself why I chose the words 'dropped out.' Doesthis mean the same as Timothy Leary's 'Turn on, tune in and drop out'?

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Yes, it does and this is exactly what Roemer is talking about in so many words:

'Assuming capitalist property relations were necessary to bring about accumulationand technical innovation in the early period of capitalism, then the coalition which haswithdrawn will soon fall behind the capitalist society because of the incentives toinnovate. Even the proletarians under capitalism will eventually enjoy an income-leisurebundle superior to the bundle of independent utopian socialists who have retired into thehills with their share of the capital, assuming enough of the benefits of increasedproductivity pass down to the proletarians, as has historically been the case.'

Translation from the Roemer-ese: When some workers 'drop out' of bourgeoissociety and go to Vermont with their tools and set up a commune like a bunch of lazygrasshoppers, they will eventually fall behind the industrious ant workers who remain inbourgeois society, and who keep their hair short and drive their cars to their factory jobeach day where foremen yell in their face and where assembly lines keep speeding up andwhere they keep losing fingers... The criteria for Roemer is not lost fingers oralienation, it is the bundle of goods you can take home. (What was John Roemer doing in1967 anyhow? Somebody should have slipped him some acid.)

Everything revolves around the most narrow and economistic definition of progress. Yougot to get those bundles of goods increased and hours required to produce them decreased,come hell or high water. Even if there is longer hours and smaller bundles in the shortterm, the eventual goal is to maximize the 'income-leisure' bundle. Here is howRoemer interprets Marx's version of English colonization of India in this light:

'There are, in the Marxist reading of history, many examples of the implementationof regimes entailing dynamically socially necessary exploitation, which brought about aninferior income-leisure bundle for the direct producers... Marx approved of the Britishconquest of India, despite the misery it brought to the direct producers, because of itsrole in developing the productive forces. Thus, the contention is proletarians in Indiawould have been better off, statically, in the alternative without imperialistinterference, but dynamically British imperialist exploitation was socially necessary tobring about the development of the productive forces, eventually improving theincome-leisure bundles of the producers (or their children) over what they would havebeen.'

I will return to the question of Marx's views on India in more depth later, but onething should be obvious. We as Marxists have the benefit of hindsight. Does anybody thinkthat Indian workers and peasants have enjoyed a greater 'income-leisure' bundleon account of English imperialism? We know that Marxism has evolved a more completeunderstanding of the relationship of industrialized nations to the colonial world, but youwouldn't know it from reading Roemer. (Nor from G.A. Cohen with his own peculiar upwardsand onward stagist notion of history.)

What an omission! We are not living in 1850 but in the 1990s. We can look at objectiveevidence of colonial misrule in Africa, Latin America and Asia. There has been no evidenceof per capita progress in the Roemerian sense. His lack of interest in history and theliving class struggle is inexcusable. Less time spent debating with Nozick and Rawls andmore time spent reading LBO or the Monthly Review is what Roemer needs.

When we turn to the specifics of Roemer's methodology, we become strangers in a strangeland indeed. Those of us who have read Eduardo Galeano's 'Open Veins of LatinAmerica', Walter Rodney's 'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' orEngels on the working-class of Manchester in 1840 must make a big adjustment when weconfront the naked ahistoricism of Roemer. There is no history there, just laboratoryexperiments based on rational choice players who are either hirers of labor, laborers orpeasants. In addition to people of these various types, there are the means of productionwhich consist of corn, farms and factories. He simply postulates their existence but hasno interest in addressing the question of how they came into existence.

Look how he tries to explain the inadequacy of the labor theory of value with hisparlor game. He puts the following pieces on the board. There is a population which isdivided between those who hire labor and those who are hired. The hired are 1/3 of thepopulation.

The hired portion of the population spends a four hour portion of its day working withseed corn that it already owns. The result of such labor is the production of 1/2 bushelof corn.

Then these souls go out and hire themselves out to other souls who also own some seedcorn. One individual might hire himself or herself out to three hirers. In the process,the hired person works four hours for each hirer, produces 1/2 bushel of corn, andreceives 1/4 bushel for a wage. The hirer retains 1/4 bushel as profit.

This process takes place throughout society using all available seed corn. Thisarrangement finally exhausts all seed corn since there is two to one ratio between hirerand hired. Each hirer has gained 1/4 bushel in profits while each worker manages to ekeout the 3/4 bushel he or she needs, which requires 12 hours labor on the farm. Soeverybody ends up with a bushel of corn, the minimum daily requirement for a member ofthis society.

Now here is the key question for Roemer. Why will people who hire themselves out agreeto this arrangement? He says that they will because they are 'no worse off' thanthey would be if they were on their own. The income-leisure bundle derived from workingfor others or working for themselves would be the same.

Are the hired exploited by the hirers? No, answers Roemer, since 12 hours work wouldproduce the same results if the hired person was working for himself or for others. Theinitial distribution is egalitarian and the outcome is egalitarian. Twelve hours workproduces the same results working for oneself or for others. The persons hiring themselvesout are 'trading some 'surplus' labor' for access to somebody else's'capital'.

This does not amount to exploitation since some of the hiring people could easily havebeen hired as well. All that matters is the amount of hours and capital that are input andthe amount of goods being produced. If they are in balance, there is no exploitation. Itdoes not matter whether you do the production on your own land in the countryside or inthe corn factory in the city owned by the hirer. Roemer assures us that 'Everyproducer is indifferent among these various arrangements, assuming no particularpreferences for the country life over the city life.'

The problem with Roemer's example is that it describes a situation which has nohistorical or social parallel. The notion that there can be a free-floating arrangementwhere some people in a society choose to be hirers or hired simply ignores how thesecategories originally arose. They arose out of compulsion. The compulsion was rooted inlaws like the Enclosure Acts that drove peasants off the land and others that requiredtaxes to be paid in money rather than in-kind agricultural goods.

Furthermore, the relationship between hirer and hired at the outset was one in whichthere was no equilibrium between labor and capital as input, and goods produced as output.The whole driving logic behind the capitalist system was to produce a disequilibrium fromthe beginning. Why would anybody take the trouble to build a factory unless there was someassurance that the output side would be greater than the input side to an extreme degree?

The industrial revolution in England was marked by two features: extreme exploitationof labor in the factory system in the classic Marxian sense, and outright pillage of theresources of the colonial world at the point of a bayonet. Roemer's case studies neverdepict these class relations.

Leaving aside its relevance to history, one thing that strikes me as particularlyspecious is Roemer's assertion that individuals have no preference for working their ownland in the countryside or in the urban factories, as long as the income-leisure bundle isequivalent. What a one-dimensional understanding of the human race! Peasants are deeplyattached to their land and don't make rational calculations simply based on narrow,economic factors.

Since Roemer focuses on the production of corn, I was reminded of the story ofRigoberta Menchu, an indigenous Guatemalan peasant leader who won the Nobel PeacePrize acouple of years ago. In her memoir 'I, Rigoberta Menchu', she describesthespiritual, emotional and psychological attachment Mayan Indians have to their land andtheir way of life which revolves around the cultivation of maize.

'At the harvest time, we also celebrate the first day we pick the maize cobs, andthe rest of what our small plots of land yield. The women pick the beans and the men pickthe maize; we all harvest the fruits of our labor together. But before we pick them, wehave a ceremony in which the whole community thanks the earth and the God who feeds us.Everyone is very happy that they don't have to go down to the finca and work now that theyhave food.'

This is the most telling indictment of Roemer's methodology. Rigoberto Menchu's peopledo not weigh the possible income-leisure bundles that can be derived from work on theirown land with what may be gained on the finca (Spanish for plantation). Their life has atotality which extends beyond the simple production of goods. These dimensions that cannot be captured in Roemer's sterile game-playing scenarios.

More to the point, the whole thrust of the decades long guerrilla warfare campaign inGuatemala has been to preserve the best of the indigenous way of life but on the basis ofsocialist property relations. This is true of the Peruvian Senderosos and Zapatistas aswell. It has been a fundamental feature of 20th century socialism that has been lost onRoemer and G.A. Cohen. Their 'stagist' conception of the class struggle simplydoesn't map to the way that real people radicalize and fight for socialist transformation.

The entire twentieth century struggle for socialism occurs in situations that Trotskydescribes as having 'combined and uneven' development. This means that variousstages of social and economic development can be collapsed into one. SubcommandanteMarcos's use of laptop computers to communicate the message of indigenous people's tocyberspace is emblematic of this tendency.

Finally, the attempt to mobilize Marx's 'defense' of English colonial rule inIndia on behalf of Roemer's crude economism is based on a false reading of Marx. Roemerand others, including the postcolonialists like Vindana Shiva, have fixated on variousplaces in which Marx favorably contrasts the mechanization and industrialization ofEnglish colonial rule to the benighted and antiquated Indian village economy.

The following paragraph in Marx's 1853 article, 'The Future Results of BritishRule in India', presents a more richly dialectical presentation of the possibilitiesIndia faced after England's conquest.

'All the English bourgeoisie may be forced to do will neither emancipate normaterially mend the social condition of the mass of the people, depending not only on thedevelopment of the productive powers, but on their appropriation by the people. But whatwill they not fail to do is lay down the material premises for both. Has the bourgeoisieever done more? Has it ever effected a progress without dragging individuals and peoplethrough blood and dirt, through misery and degradation.

The Indians will not reap the fruits of the new elements of society scattered amongthem by the British bourgeoisie, till in Great Britain itself the now ruling classes shallhave been supplanted by the industrial proletariat, or till the Hindus themselves shallhave grown strong enough to throw off the English yoke altogether.'

What could be clearer? Marx adds an enormous proviso when he talks about the'progress' that capitalism brings. Unless there is socialist revolution,capitalism has done nothing except revolutionize the means of production. This has nothingto do with the ameliorative scenarios developed by Oxford dons like G.A. Cohen and JohnRoemer.

Roemer asserts that the 'proletarians in India would have been better off,statically, in the alternative without imperialist interference, but dynamically Britishimperialist exploitation was socially necessary to bring about the development of theproductive forces, eventually improving the income-leisure bundles of the producers (ortheir children) over what they would have been.' You will note that there is noreference to socialist revolution. It simply posits a capitalist system that is superiorto the old system in delivering those phantom income-revenue bundles. This type ofthinking is what allows him to put his trust in market economies in the name of socialism.This 'market socialism' is a totally false concept, but outside the purview ofthis paper.

Louis Proyect

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